Almost nobody is against sustainable mobility. Here is what Europe is actually arguing about.

If you follow urban mobility online, you could be forgiven for believing the 15-minute city is the most hated idea in European planning. Conspiracy threads. Furious comment sections. Councillors who suddenly discover a passionate interest in parking.

So CONIFER went looking for the argument itself.

Our new report D3.2 — Report on 15mC discourses in each civic lab analyses two public spheres side by side across our six civic lab cities — Brussels, Budapest, Cologne, Ghent, Matosinhos and Toruń. 109 local news articles, curated and coded by hand by partners in each city. And a large body of social media conversation, collected from X and YouTube through their APIs and analysed with AI methods.

The headline result is not the one the comment sections prepared us for. Across every city and both data streams, support for sustainable mobility outweighs opposition to it. The shouting is real. It is simply not about what most people assume.

Two studies, two very different lenses

The report brings together two tasks that were deliberately designed to see different things.

Task 3.4 — Analysis of mobility narratives in political discourse. Partners in each city collected local news articles on mobility through keyword searches, then applied a shared coding framework: political and social support for sustainable mobility, political and social criticism of it, and — importantly — youth and school-related content. This is slow, manual, qualitative work, and it captures the arguments that institutions and elected officials actually make.

Task 3.5 — Analysis of biases in mobility cultures. Social media posts were gathered from multiple platforms, principally X and YouTube, using keywords and parameters tuned to each city. AI-based methods handled data cleaning and selection, then performed topic modelling, stance detection, sentiment analysis and bias detection. The report includes a full section on AI accuracy and human verification, because a study that uses automated classification and does not audit it is not a study.

Reading them together is the point. One tells you what the debate sounds like in the council chamber; the other tells you what it sounds like in the replies.

Four things the two studies agree on

1. Support is the majority position, everywhere. Consistent, widespread support for sustainable mobility appears across all six cities in both media and social media discourse. This is the single most useful finding for anyone about to defend a mobility measure in public.

2. Safety — and above all children’s safety on the school commute — is the common ground. It is central and it is largely consensual. Of the 109 articles analysed, a substantial majority touched on young people. If you are looking for the entry point that unlocks a stuck mobility conversation in almost any European city, this is it.

3. Resistance exists, and it is narrow and specific. It is not aimed at sustainable mobility as a whole. It concentrates on particular implementations — restricting private motor vehicle use, introducing car-free school streets. That is a completely different argument from the one people assume they are having, and it can be answered on its own terms.

4. What cities argue about is local; how they argue is not. General attitudes towards sustainable mobility stay remarkably consistent across the six labs. The specific topics of debate vary significantly, closely following local policy implementations. So the content of a campaign has to be rebuilt city by city — the emotional architecture of the debate does not.

The finding that should change how you read your own mentions

The social media analysis contains a warning for anyone who treats their notifications as public opinion.

Social media messages show a strong tendency towards negative tone — strong enough that it can easily confuse interpretation. Negative tone turned out to be a poor proxy for an opposing position. People support sustainable mobility in a thoroughly bad mood.

If a communications strategy is calibrated on sentiment rather than stance, it will systematically overestimate opposition and under-defend measures that already have majority support.

What this means for the rest of CONIFER

D3.2 is not an end in itself. It is the evidence base for the participatory foresight work that follows — the civic lab sessions in which children, young people, carers and teachers co-create scenarios for the proximity city.

Knowing in advance that support is broad, that safety is the shared language, and that friction concentrates on a handful of specific measures changes how those sessions are designed. It lets facilitators spend the room’s energy on the real disagreements instead of relitigating a consensus that already exists.

As the report concludes: sustainable urban transformation is a widely accepted goal, but implementation is where contestation happens locally. Addressing the specific points of friction is what makes co-creation work.

Read it

D3.2 — Report on 15mC discourses in each civic lab is available on the CONIFER publications table, alongside the rest of our deliverables:

👉 https://conifer15.eu/publications-table/

Read it next to D3.1 — Report on 15mC perceptions in each civic lab, which approaches the same six cities from the inside out: what children and young people themselves say about whether their neighbourhoods actually work.

Working on mobility communication, discourse analysis or participatory foresight? We would like to compare notes — coniferproject@hotmail.com, or find the labs on LinkedIn and Instagram.